THE PLACE OF ANCIENT AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES AND TECHNIQUES IN YEMEN TODAY:

PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES

Sanaa, Yemen

June 18-20, 2000

 ADJUSTING TO THE EXTREME SHORTAGE OF A COMMON RESOURCE: RUNOFF, RESOURCE CAPTURE AND SOCIAL ADAPTIVE CAPACITY

 

Gerhard Lichtenthäler

SOAS Water Issues Study Group, University of London

Thornhaugh Street, London, WC1H OXG, United Kingdom

E-mail: GL3@SOAS.AC.UK

 

Introduction

 

Forces of economic and social change during the 1970s and 1980s facilitated the unsustainable exploitation the Sa'dah aquifer. By the early-1990 groundwater levels in the Sa'dah basins, home to a farming population of about 180,000 people, were declining by 4-6 metres annually. In a worst-case scenario the area's groundwater resources will be exhausted in a few decades (Van der Gun 1985) unless a shift from water supply to water demand management (WDM) can be achieved.

 

Allan & Karshenas (1996) have shown that under conditions of extreme water scarcity, such as experienced in parts of Yemen, natural resource reconstruction, can take place. This describes the process by which a social entity acts to introduce principles of water demand management, with the aim to reduce consumption by increasing efficiencies, and by developing alternatives over time. The capacity to achieve a transformation of approach has been termed the adaptive capacity of a society (Turton, 1999). Adaptive capacity is defined as the sum of social resources that are available within a society that can be mustered in order to effectively counter an increasing natural resource scarcity (Ohlsson, 1998; 1999). Turton (1999:25) distinguishes two main components of adaptive capacity. The structural component comprises the sum of institutional capacity (including financial capacity) and intellectual capital which allows for the generation of alternative solutions such as water demand management strategies by technocratic elites. The social component is defined as the willingness and ability of the social entity to accept these technocratic solutions (such as water demand management strategies) as being both reasonable and legitimate.

 

As a result some social scientists are now making a distinction between a first-order scarcity of natural resources and a second-order scarcity of adaptive capacity (Turton, 1999). They argue that many manifestations of resource scarcity are in fact the result of a second-order scarcity of social resources, which impacts in turn on the way that social entities deal with the first order scarcity of a natural resource such as water.

 

This paper looks at some aspects of social adaptive capacity as evident among tribal communities in the Sa'dah basin. Firstly, will be shown that Sa'dah's tribal groups have demonstrated adaptive capacity over the past decades to respond to changing circumstances and needs. Secondly, the study indicates that perceptions of the value of water are changing. It can thus be said that a second-order scarcity of social resources is not yet evident. Thirdly, the paper argues that the role of traditional value systems and communication media such as poetry should be investigated, in an attempt to generate 'water wisdom' and to develop a viable water demand management (WDM) strategy that is regarded by the population as being both reasonable and legitimate.

 

Runoff and Groundwater Conservation

 

Until the mid-1970s groundwater irrigated agriculture was not possible in the Sa'dah basin. Most land was communally owned and managed. This meant that members of a tribal community shared the right to collect firewood, graze their flocks and collect fruit from trees. However, the communities were not permitted to use their grazing land agriculturally since the runoff collected from its surface area fed the fields of other communities downstream. Customary law stipulates that the right to the runoff is stronger than the right to the land. Population increase and development of infrastructure after the end of the civil war in 1969 put pressure on the limited agricultural land available. However, suggestions to develop grazing areas where blocked by those who owned the rights pertaining to runoff. Consequently water scarcity was at the heart of most tribal conflict. Resulting feuds were often drawn-out, and their resolution difficult and costly.

 

A settlement negotiated by a religious scholar in 1976 became a milestone decision which opened the way for the expansion of agricultural development and consequently led to the mining of the Sa'dah aquifer. It stipulated that a community must give up half of the area of its grazing land to those owning rights to the runoff from it. However, if the owners of runoff preferred the runoff to receiving half of the land no development could take place. The scholar's arbitration was accepted unanimously by all the tribes (Lichtenthäler 1999b). Once the issue over runoff rights had been settled however, groundwater exploitation offered a way to avoid potential conflict. Moreover, groundwater appeared to provide a new measure of freedom, independence and certainty beyond the reach of customary and Islamic water rights (Beck 1990:29).

 

During the 1970s, Yemeni migrant workers in Saudi Arabia were exposed to technological possibilities in respect to groundwater availability and utilisation. In addition, those staying at home also witnessed with great surprise the new and unexpected groundwater 'miracle' when an Italian company, building a new road through the Sa'dah basin in the late 1970s, drilled a deep-well to supply its own water needs.

 

Remittances provided the cash for drilling and equipment was brought in cheaply and tax-free from across the border. Privately owned wells promised secure water supplies, a greater amount of autonomy and a permanent resolution to potential conflict over the resource. At the time, people were certainly not aware of the long-term impact &endash; the perception simply was that God had mercifully rewarded them with the 'gift' of water as he had blessed the Saudis with the 'gift' of oil. However, what became a perceived recipe for conflict resolution over water now turned into potential conflict over land rights. A number of socio-political factors and perceptions were responsible for this development. As land values soared during the late 1970, and especially as a result of the 1984 fruit import ban, claims over land have led to renewed feuds, disputes and drawn-out conflicts.

 

In the past runoff rights and the 'restricted access' character of communal tribal land imposed 'restricted access' on groundwater resources. No wells could be drilled where runoff rights were attached to communal land. It was privatisation of communal lands from the mid-1970s on that facilitated a change in status for groundwater. Through privatisation groundwater became an 'open access resource'. It is this shift from a 'restricted access' to an 'open access', which is gradually leading to a 'tragedy of the commons', unless political feasible and social acceptable solutions can be worked out.

 

Runoff, Resource Capture and Social Adaptive Capacity

 

Privatisation of tribal lands facilitated the exploitation of much of the Sa'dah aquifer. However, for a number of reasons large areas of the Sa'dah basin have escaped groundwater exploitation. Firstly, conflict over tribal territory and communal boundaries has meant that large grazing areas could not be privatised. Subsequently, no well development could take place. Secondly, tribal groups have, for political, economic or social reasons, preferred holding on to their runoff rights. In so doing they have effectively stopped any attempts by their up-stream neighbours to develop new farms. Thirdly, communities are becoming increasingly aware that groundwater levels are dropping fast. In an attempt to safeguard their water resources villages have co-operate to resist to attempts of shaykhs, traders and land dealers to buy their land (Lichtenthäler & Turton 1999). The following case studies serve as brief illustrations.

 

In one case the tribal group in possession of the rights to runoff from an large area that exceeds 200 hectare refused the request from the community owning the runoff area to develop their groundwater resources. While they would have received half of the runoff area in exchange for loosing their runoff rights they nevertheless stopped their neighbours from drilling any new wells. Increasing fears over falling groundwater levels led this community in their decision to hold on to their existing runoff rights. In order to ensure these rights will not be violated sparking off inter-tribal conflict the relevant shaykhs negotiated a 20-year stop to any development of the land.

 

In a rare precedent one tribal community has acted collectively in an attempt to safeguard the future use of their groundwater resources. In consultation with his tribe the shaykh ruled that no individual member was to sell part of his land to people from outside his village. This community has learned valuable lessons from a neighbouring group which sold large amounts of their tribal land to investors, traders and tribesmen from outside the Sa'dah basin. Income from other sources enables these new landowners to drill more than one well and to irrigate large citrus farms. Moreover, they have the capacity to drill deeper wells and to invest in submersible pumps in order to chase down the declining groundwater table. The disastrous results of pursuing supply options are evident in the al-Dumayd area, for example. Starting out with one well in the mid-1980s one farmer, for example, has had to add five more wells to irrigate his citrus orchard. When all the pumps combined could not supply enough water for irrigation a sixth well was drilled 3 kilometres away where groundwater volumes appeared more promising. Given these developments it does not seem surprising that groundwater levels in that area have dropped to alarming levels. The fact that farmers in this area now represent many different tribes and interests makes co-operation difficult. However, individuals and communities are beginning to draw conclusions and learn lessons as the village shaykh and his people have demonstrated.

 

Runoff zones in areas where it is known that groundwater levels are falling rapidly are likely to remain undeveloped for irrigated agriculture. Farmers without additional income from non-agricultural sources can no longer afford expensive supply management options. Many of them now prefer sustainable rainwater harvesting agriculture to unsustainable and expensive groundwater irrigation options.

 

In several other cases villages and communities have closed ranks to prevent their own skaykh from buying land from them. As many of the local shaykhs have come to command considerable social and political power individuals are usually reluctant to deny their requests to buy land. But in a recent case a number of villagers resisted the wishes of their shaykh when it emerged that he acted as a broker for a rich businessman in the capital. Why should the 'Haves' come and siphon off the water from the 'Have Nots' - is the perception of many local people. Moreover, their refusal to sell was perfectly justified by traditional values and especially the tribal notion of juwara (neighbourhood law), which requires that land for sale must first be offered to relatives and neighbours in an attempt to protect it from being lost to the tribal community.

 

The above mentioned initiatives indicate that small communities have began to co-operate in order to protect their water resources from exploitation. It also suggests that groups have started to take a long-term perspective and one which takes into account the sustainable management of their vital groundwater resources. People from all over the Sa'dah basin have commended the earlier-mentioned shaykh for uniting his community against selling land to outsiders. The case signals a significant change of perception in regards to the values of water.

 

Constraints to Adaptive Capacity

 

Co-operation over groundwater management, however, is also constrained by tribal political factors.

Since the early 1980s and especially after the fruit import ban in 1983/84 large areas of grazing land in the Sa'dah basin have been sold off to individuals and families belonging to tribes from outside the Sa'dah basin area. A variety of factors such as prolonged drought, land and water scarcity, tribal politics, economic and social opportunities explain the huge influx of people. The water-stressed area of al-Dumayd provides an interesting example. Since the mid-1980s landowners there include people from the two main tribal confederations Hashid and Bakil with their numerous subsections as well as from the tribes of Khawlan b. Amir with their main subsection Razikh, Munabbih, al-Mahadhir, Kkawlan and Juma'a. With the exception of a few individuals these new landowners have not changed tribal affiliation by moving among the Sa'dah tribes. They share no history of co-operation with their host communities. In fact, a primary reason for moving to the Sa'dah basin may have been to break free from the need to share and co-operate over the scarce and limited water and land resources in their highland home territories. In the opinion of most locals from the area these factors inhibit the formation of local initiatives and user groups.

 

Harnessing Social Adaptive Capacity

 

Generating water wisdom among all stakeholders is a precondition for improved decision making. Raising public awareness on the importance of water and what must be done to achieve water security, and building and sharing knowledge about water, are the key challenges.

Global Water Partnership/Framework for Action Unit (2000:4)

 

The Role of Poetry

 

In the Yemeni context, poetry presents itself as a powerful yet friendly medium to communicate information, critique old ideas and circulate new concepts. As a literary genre, it is politically appropriate and culturally appreciated and can be used to address water management issues and to change perceptions.

 

Yemen has a long history of employing poetry for persuasion and in conflict mediation as shown by a detailed study carried out in Khawlan al-Tiyal, a tribal area south-east of Sana'a (Caton 1990). Moreover, within the context of contemporary society, tribal poetry has been used effectively to criticise party politics, new elites and new power centres (Dresch 1995a:5; 1995b:417ff, Caton 1990:48). An appraisal conducted earlier of locally produced poetry in the Sa'dah area suggests that this literary genre could be utilised to increase community awareness and co-operation to bring about changes of perception vis-à-vis the sustainable and equitable use of the shared groundwater resources.

 

A small pilot project is being proposed with the aim that local and tribal poets be identified and commissioned to compose 'water poetry'. This could be recited at cultural events, 'water days', and tribal meetings. Moreover poetry recorded on audiotapes could be disseminated to a wider audience. Sa'dah's cultural centre (al-markaz al-thaqâfî) has indicated interest and could provide support while an accomplished local poet has agreed to write a "water poem". At a further stage this could be followed up by a poetic competition in which poets from various tribal groups and geographical locations take part.

 

The Role of Religion

 

Sa'dah is a centre of Zaydi belief and practice which, in recent years, has witnessed a spiritual renewal among the wider population (Haykal 1995:20f). The revival of Zaydi scholarship in the area has led to the emergence of a younger group of religious scholars and teachers. The Islamic principle of maslaha 'amma (welfare of the community over individual interest) is recognised and could be explored to change perceptions from private to community 'ownership' of groundwater (see Lichtenthäler & Turton 1999:8ff)

 

The co-operation and help of Islamic preachers and teachers should be sought to help address solutions. That this can be done effectively through religious sermons has been shown in another Middle Eastern country (IDRC 1998). Relevant knowledge about water issues is shared and discussed with Muslim preachers, who then incorporate the information into their religious sermons.

 

Most religious scholars own little land and do not have the resources to drill wells. Their immediate concerns are arbitration, teaching and education. They have no vested interests in agriculture and are therefore perceived as impartial actors. Their service should be enlisted to take a fresh look at the religious tenets that currently justify the rights to groundwater abstraction on privately owned land. The Islamic principle of maslaha 'amma should be given particular attention as it clearly recognises that the interests and welfare of the wider community have priority over and above individual rights and benefits even if these are lawful (al-maslaha al-'amma muqaddama 'ala al-maslaha al-khassa). The Islamic saying is that "the Sharia has to be applied wherever the general interest lies" (haythuma kanat al-maslaha fathama shar' Allah). Based on the notion of 'no harm' it appears that the concept of maslaha 'amma could be explored to help regulate and redefine rights to groundwater abstraction and well drilling on private land (see also Lichtenthäler & Turton 1999).

 

Conclusion

 

This brief paper suggests the existence of social adaptive capacity among Sa'dah's tribal groups. In the mid-1970s all the tribes of the area recognised that it was for their common good to re-negotiate established rights to land and water when they accepted unilaterally the proposed settlement (qarar) mediated by a religious scholar. This was because the impasse caused by customary water rights affected all groups. Moreover, to borrow a term from conflict resolution theory, trading water rights for land rights appeared as a 'win-win' option at the time. In addition, the solution to privatise common land initially appeared to decrease the potential for tribal conflict over shared water resources.

 

More than two decades later and with groundwater levels dropping at an alarming rate of 4-6 metres per annum many farmers are becoming increasingly aware that regulation and groundwater management will indeed serve the long-term common interests of all their communities. Such newly generated 'water wisdom' needs to be harnessed and supported. This is best done by building on indigenous ideas and initiatives and by using forms, which are culturally effective, socially relevant and politically feasible.

 

The Sa'dah context presents an opportunity for the development of some appropriate and highly innovative WDM strategies exploring the role of religion and poetry as a vehicle for transmitting information. This could result in a special pilot project to assess the effectiveness of the approach.

 

 

You must teach him four things,

- the dictates of Islam,

- how to shoot a gun,

- how to dance,

- how to compose poetry

 (A tribesman from Khawlan al-Tiyal on what it means to be a qabili) Caton 1990:26

 

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