In the last two months of 1994, afterpostponing my trip due to Yemen's civil war, I revisited the twocommunities where I had conducted fieldwork ten years ago. Between1982 and 1984 I lived in Wadi Dhabab, (still) a poor village justsouth of Ta'izz; and in 'Abs, a (now) burgeoning town in the northernTihama. Funded by an American Institute for Yemeni Studies (AIYS)fellowship, I was able to return to 'Abs and Dhabab and to visit Adenfor the first time. This research is an update of my earlier study(1987) which focused on the menial laborers, akhdam (literallyservants), whose position in Yemen's social hierarchy ranks evenlower than that of [ex-] slaves, 'abid. My previousanalysis of marginalized Yemeni groups of known or reputed Africandescent was situated in the post-revolutionary period during whichall social categories had been officially abolished. The presentstudy re-assesses the socioeconomic status of women generally and themanipulations of social roles and identities by akhdam womenspecifically in post-reunification, post-civil war Yemen. Here Ifocus on the impact of socioeconomic, educational and occupationalchanges on social status.
Upward mobility aptly describes the changesoccurring in both Dhabab and 'Abs. Yet, it was also evident thatwomen's outlooks on their lives and future prospects in Dhabab and'Abs markedly differ. The perspectives of women in the village andthe town, both areas in the North, contrast with the views of womenin the city of Aden in the South. These regional variations ingender and social relations must also be viewed in light of theNorthern government's backing of conservative, at times repressive,policies since its victory against the South in the mid-1994 civilwar. Presently, these policies are an implicit confirmation ofextremist Islamic views toward women's status and in direct contrastwith reforms to grant equal rights to women under the South'ssocialist regime.
Further, it was also evident thatoccupational positions are being redefined in a time of renewedconflict over racial and national identities. Thus, whilediscrimination against 'abid and akhdam, bothAfrican-identified, is not primarily based on race, discriminationagainst other Yemenis whose mothers are of East African origins(muwalladin) clearly involves ethnic criteria. The social andgender transformations occurring in Yemeni society of the mid-1990sare too complex for a mere two-month study. Given the opportunity topursue my analysis, I am confident that it will highlight diversewomen's contributions to the overall development process. Ultimately, the process of alleviating poverty and social exclusionare also key to establishing the democratic ideals envisioned by manyYemenis.
The Birbasha depot for transport to WadiDhabab has become a major thoroughfare. Here the Ta'izz-Turba Roadto Wadi Dhabab, the Hujariyya and other points south intersects withthe road to Mokha to the west. The intersection itself is lined withroadside vendors. Heading south, factories, other commercialbuildings, and a new prison have been constructed in the last tenyears. Similarly, new buildings are evident in Wadi Dhabab,including the shell of a future clinic. In the village, larger,uniformly-cut stone houses in pastel shades have replaced asignificant number of the crudely-constructed rock and thatched-roofhomes. The older houses often have new additions; many now have ahammam (outhouse). Thus, in a few cases, substantialinvestments have been made in the construction of housing exteriors. In general, the fields and wadis appear well cared for, and new cropsare being grown. The proliferation of such crops as zaytun(pear-like fruit), ambr (melon), and henna is attributed tothe resumption of farming by men returning from Saudi Arabia duringthe Gulf war. However, despite the well-tended farmlands, villagerscited the animal contamination of irrigation water as a source ofhealth problems.
Like the changes in Dhabab's landscape,changes in women's lives appear to be merely superficial. As in thepast, women routinely mentioned the higher cost of establishing andmaintaining their households relative to an earlier time. Now, theexpense of basic necessities (thermoses for tea, food items, dresses[qumsan], land, bride wealth [mahr],etc.) is compared to their cost in riyals, which have depreciateddrastically since reunification.(1) While women reported thatgrinding mills have made their lives easier, they continue to collectand carry heavy loads of water, firewood, and fodder as well asengage in every aspect of agricultural production. Similarly, hotplates run on butagas (propane) now accompany the traditionaltannur (clay oven), but most women still prepare meals inunhealthy, smoke-filled kitchens. Akhdam women are theexception because invariably they cook outdoors. All of these tasksare performed while combating malaria which is a severe, andsometimes fatal, disease not only on the Tihama (coast) but in Dhababas well. It is difficult, therefore, to measure real improvement inwomen's work load in practical terms.
I attempted to assess the impact of recentchanges in educational opportunity on the career goals of women andmembers of Yemen's lowest ranked social group. Ten years ago,virtually no girls in any social category were attending school. Now, girls throughout the social hierarchy, including theakhdam, have access to a modern education. This is not to saythat poverty has been removed as an obstacle to education. Despite afree educational system, many families, even those in respectedsocial groups still fail to send their daughters to school due toeconomic reasons. Financial constraints remain a factor in non-school attendance among the children of either sex in low statusfamilies. Yet, access to the benefits of education seems limitedless by economic factors than by social ones. For example, somevillagers also cited the lack of female teachers as a reason forgirls not attending school. Parents were concerned that girls wouldbe unable to complete their education in sex-segregated classrooms inaccordance with customary values. Consequently, it is not surprisingthat young women with elementary school education, and even those whowill have the opportunity to attain advanced degrees, ultimatelyexpect to assume the same roles in village and family life as theirmothers and grandmothers.
The availability of schools has not greatlyaltered women's thinking about their social roles and identities. Most responded that their lives are as they should be, that they arein a state of well-being (murtah). Arranged and even forcedmarriages are seen as normal ('adi) even though, as a resultof the merger of North and South, women were exposed to more liberalideas regarding women's status via Adeni TV. To women in Dhabab, amore liberal society meant license for promiscuity and insobriety. Others felt that they did not have the power (mush qawi) tochange their lives. The impact of education seems a ratherinsignificant factor in village women's outlooks, which may beexpected given female non-attendance.
Women's attitudes toward their roles,identities, and expectations vary considerably throughout thecountry. In marked contrast to the village in Dhabab, women on thecampus of the University in Aden, which I visited briefly, reporteddissatisfaction with certain aspects of their lives. Retaining theirrelative freedom to choose marital partners is not enough. Theyadamantly disapproved of limitations on career options sanctioned bythe more conservative (former Northern) government. To many of theseAdeni women, the return to the veil is less of a burden, andcertainly less urgent, than the acquisition of adequate food, water,and housing, for example &emdash; problems which many felt are beingoverlooked under the present political regime.(2) On the other hand,women in Dhabab, like in other villages, did not accept veiling fortheir daily attire. Even in the hottest cities in the country, Aden,Hudayda, and other coastal towns, the all-black robe (balto)or similar outfit in grey with head scarf were the habitual costumefor school girls.
Members of the lowest status groups,al-akhdam, in particular, have maintained and in some casesimproved their economic status; but unlike those in higher statusgroups, these achievements are not necessarily attributed toeducational opportunities. The sons of the village administrator(qadi) were able to take full advantage of the university whenit opened in Ta'`izz and now hold various teaching posts. Similarly,young men in respected social categories (qaba'il/ra'iya)routinely are studying for their teaching credentials. Advancementthrough education for akhdam males, on the other hand, seemsmore individualistic. I encountered only two members of an extendedakhdam family in a neighboring village who were pursingcollege degrees in the School of Education in Ta'izz. Education isviewed as a means to advance by most Yemenis, but for variousreasons, including economic, successful outcomes are less consistentfor the akhdam (and for women) than for males in the morerespected classes.
Like members of other social categories,most sons in akhdam families tend to follow the sameoccupations as their fathers. For most men this means combiningmenial jobs in the city with day labor in the fields. Theakhdam continue to be associated with the growing and selling ofcertain crops, especially leeks (kurrath). As in the past,women and men grow kurr¡th and sell it in the weekly suqin Dhabab and daily in Ta'izz. Thus, for some akhdam,kurrath is a lucrative crop, especially if land acquisitionthrough purchase or rental has resulted in increased productivity. One elderly akhdam farmer has more than doubled his acreage. The women in his household and a male hired hand work both on arental plot and on land that the farmer owns.
Compared to other areas in Yemen,occupational categories, like gender roles, are static entities inDhabab. Despite the potential returns for cultivating and marketingkurrath, these are still considered lowly endeavors thatremain relegated to the akhdam. Elsewhere, kurrath hasbecome a more diversified crop, i.e., persons in theqaba'il/ra'iya categories are involved in its production.(3) This shift also is probably attributed to the return of unemployedlabor migrants from Saudi.
In both Dhabab and Abs, the return of malelabor migrants during the Gulf War has had a significant impact onthe local economy. In 'Abs, the impact of the returnees(muhtarribin) is even more dramatic than it is in Dhabab. Thesurrounding communities on the approach to the town of 'Abs are nowcongested with commercial and residential establishments, includingrestaurants and temporary settlements for the families of returnees. Ten years ago, I described 'Abs as a thriving town where fish andmeat were readily available and often a routine part of the diet,unlike in Dhabab. The mud-walled and thatched-roof huts('ushash) that are also found in parts of Africa wereinterspersed with new concrete and cinder block constructions. Atthat time, I had imagined that an aerial photo would reveal an equaldivision of the two types of houses. Now, the open spaces and airycompounds surrounding each home have almost been obliterated by newbuildings. Also, as a result of the population expansion, an Africanpresence typically conveyed in the dark skin hues of residents inTihama towns like 'Abs has become less prominent. (4)
The district and the town of 'Abs haveprobably more than doubled in size over the last ten years. It wasnearly impossible to find people and houses that I once knew amid thejumble of new homes. Still, I was most impressed with thetransformations presently occurring in various women's lives. Inmarked contrast to the women in the villages in Dhabab, certain womenin 'Abs are redefining their positions via new work opportunities. The women health guides (murshid¡t) with whom I stayed at theInternational Cooperation for Development (ICD) hospital typicallycombine the responsibilities of homemaker, student and health workerin ways that are extremely exciting and merit furtherexamination.
The work of murshidat at the ICDhospital in 'Abs exemplifies the integration of various work rolesroutinely undertaken by Yemeni women. In combining their hospitaland household duties, many of the women are supporting entirefamilies. At the same time, most are completing a basic educationwhile a few are acquiring more advanced medical training. Women'sengagement in intersecting work domains is not a phenomenon unique toYemen. However, the overlapping roles of the health workers in 'Absare key to understanding how new economic and social relations aredeveloping in many communities in Yemen and elsewhere.
I believe that transformations of and withinoccupational categories are integral to eventual solutions of theproblems of social exclusion and gender inequality. Even though thereturn of labor migrants has had a profound impact on the localeconomies in both Dhabab and 'Abs, the restructuring of occupationalcategories is more apparent in the cities. Jobs, such as barbering,that were formerly considered unacceptable and thus assigned to anon-tribal group have been upgraded, enabling urban males, especiallythose of tribal origins, to earn a living. Women, on the other hand,particularly ones I spoke to on the campus of the university in Aden,for example, resent the limitations on their career options imposedby the present political regime. These Adeni students indicated thatthey were limited to the medical and teaching fields. Whether theserestrictions will be realized in practices and whether women who arecurrently engaged in such public domains as communications andpolitics will be removed from those positions is not yet certain. Itis ironic, however, that as occupations are expanding for men,careers for educated women are being restricted.
In the next phase of my research, I proposeto examine the work routines of the murshid¡t who occupydifferent positions on the social scale. I plan to document changingself-concepts of these women, especially those at the lowest end ofthe social hierarchy, as they achieve professional status. Inconducting the study, preferably with a video camera, it is importantnot to further isolate persons who are still stigmatized by their lowstatus. Women of former 'abid, not akhdam origins, areincluded on the current roster of approximately twentymurshidat. However, women of high social standing mustconfront their own biases when serving (or refusing to serve) suqresidents who are labelled akhdam. Mutual adjustments inthe attitudes of both low and high status women are anticipated afterthe successful recruitment of akhdam women as health workers.
A study on the incorporation of marginalizedpersons in small-scale projects such as the one at the hospital in'Abs would have many benefits. The process of inclusion provides amodel for transforming social and gender relations in the largersociety. Such a study also has important implications for scholarsand officials in various contexts who are interested in promotinginclusive societies. Similarly, in-depth examination of the impactof paid employment on the self-concepts of women throughout thesocial hierarchy in a developing country has practical significancefor conceptualizing interracial, multicultural and gender relationsin broader social contexts. Finally, at the local level, such astudy would benefit the working women themselves. The murshidatat the hospital with whom I spoke explained that a videotapeddocumentation of their working day would be a valuable resource intheir efforts to improve themselves as health providers. (5)
An examination of transitions inoccupational identities only indirectly deals with underlying socialattitudes. Perceived differences between akhdam andqaba'il continue to inhibit intermarriages between the twogroups. "Jins" in the sense of origins ('asl) morethan race as a physical characteristic is the usual explanation forsustained discrimination in marriage. Thus far, escaping to acommunity where akhd¡m identity will not be recognized is theonly possibility for changing the marriage restriction. This remainsan option more in theory than in practice. Close intergroup workingrelationships coupled with the attempt to eliminate use of derogatorylabels is a positive step. Such an approach is currently underway inother community projects involving an integrated clientele, such asin Sanaa and Dhamar. Having recognized that derogatory categoricallabels inhibit progress toward inclusion of subordinate groups, bothYemeni and non- Yemeni directors there are devising creative ways todeal with this sensitive issue. My future assessments and analysesof development projects such as these will, it is hoped, reveal thatthe trend toward recognizing the akhdam as persons is becomingmore widespread.
Stevenson, Thomas B. 1993 "Yemeni WorkersCome Home: Reabsorbing One Million Migrants." Middle East Report(MERIP).
Walters, Delores M. 1987 "Perceptions ofSocial Inequality in the Yemen Arab Republic." Unpublished DoctoralDissertation. New York University.
1 In the mid 1980s one dollar wasequivalent to 4.5 riyals; at the end of 1994, one dollar was worthbetween 85-90 riyals. The devaluation of the riyal was usually thefirst problem villagers would mention. However, the riyal's declinemay not be a totally negative occurrence. According to certainYemenis, as a result of the labor migrants' increased ability toinvest, the maher was rising disproportionately to a prospectivebridegroom's ability to pay. The falling value of the riyal may haveslowed this incline.
2 Another reason for the returnto the veil with perhaps less reluctance than expected has also beensuggested: Many of the women may be from wealthier families who left(South) Yemen to live in Saudi Arabia when land reform was imposedunder the socialism. Due to their Saudi experience, these womenwould have grown accustomed to living in an more restrictive socialenvironment.
3 Interestingly, men in theqaba'il or ra'iya categories, tend to grow kurr¡thaway from their home villages where they are known. This isexemplified by a Ta'izz area farmer who buys land in the Tihama onwhich to grow the crop. Therefore, it is not just the akhdam,as I later note, who consider a geographical move as the bestsolution for escaping the confines of the social hierarchicalsystem.
4 On the other hand, thisimpression may contrast with Stevenson's finding (1993:17) that manyof the returnees living in settlement camps in Hudayda wereoriginally of akhdam status, especially if their presumedAfrican ancestry allows them to be distinguished from otherTihamis.
5 I have received support forthis work from various Yemenis both before and during this currentresearch, including scholars at the Yemen Center for Research andStudy (YCRS) as well as deans, faculty, and students at variousbranches of the university throughout the country, especially thosewhose classes I visited in Aden and Ta'izz. All have volunteered tohelp with the continuation of the research either directly orindirectly. Equally forthcoming is the support of a host ofnon-citizen Yemenophiles. For their help with this text, both instyle and content, I thank Kay Steinmetz and MahyoubAnaam.